Hindol Sengupta is the author of the new book Recasting India: How Entrepreneurship Is Revolutionizing the World's Largest Democracy. He is editor-at-large at Fortune India and the founder of the nonprofit Whypoll Trust, and his other books include The Liberals and 100 Things to Know and Debate Before You Vote. He is based in Delhi and Mumbai.
Q: You write that you chose your title because “India is
being recast, remolded, and redefined.” What do you see as the major ways in
which this is happening, and what do you predict looking ahead?
A: The one major thing that is happening in India at the
moment - and which is almost always missed out in Western commentary about
India - is a massive social churning that involves the fall of a corrupt, often
dynastic, elite that has ruled India for most of its 67 years of independent
existence after British colonial rule.
This elite ruled not just government but also industry and
business, and academia and intelligentsia at every level. The levers of
political, economic and narrative power were defined by a handful of people for
all these years.
These were often people from the same class - people who
went to the same schools, colleges, clubs, married one another, a complete
self-sustaining, incestuous coterie. As we say in India, a durbar, a royal
court.
What is happening in India is essentially class war.
Subaltern voices suppressed for a long, long time are finally speaking up.
Here's the interesting thing - in many cases economic liberalisation,
capitalism if you will, is helping this war against the elite on the side of
the subalterns.
Let me give you an example - till 2006, membership to the
Bombay Stock Exchange was almost hereditary, passed on almost always from
father to son. The license to trade was an elite tool until the markets opened up
and that coterie got destroyed.
I give many examples of this in my book but the most potent
perhaps is the example of Dalit entrepreneurs from the so-called lower castes
in India who have used economics and enterprise to fight the caste system that
discriminates on birth.
More often than not, it is the elite in India who want to
keep laws weak and implementation abysmal, so that in the name of helping the
poor, all sorts of backdated restrictions are kept alive so that competition is
never really introduced in the market.
So the rich businessmen along with corrupt politicians keep
all the wealth for themselves while mouthing platitudes about helping the poor.
There was a famous slogan once given by a famous Indian
prime minister, Indira Gandhi, which said “Garibi hatao.” The joke today in
India is that she said garibi hatao (in the Hindi language that means “shift
poverty”) and not garibi mitao, which would mean eradicate poverty.
But strategically shifting and yet keeping alive poverty, by
romanticizing it, the Indian elite have kept people poor and deprived while
exponentially increasing its prosperity. Wherever the markets have been applied
freely, the biggest beneficiaries have been the poor - from telecom to
automobiles.
My argument is not for unabashed capitalism - that is
impossible to argue in a country like India with its poverty. The state has a
vital role to play in ensuring justice, in providing essential services like
health and education and big-ticket infrastructure.
But instead, the state has
often stifled competition, prevented entrepreneurs from flourishing, and
colluded to crooked big business people to keep the poor in despair while
looting the wealth of the country.
Q: In the book, you state that “India is unlikely to have a
cohesive spring of revolt.” What are the factors that make that unlikely?
A: Let me answer this first by
telling you a joke that my friends in Pakistan are fond of telling. As you
know, there have been many military coups in Pakistan, but none, at least till
now, in India.
The joke goes that the Indian Army
can never pull off a coup because, say, the northern commander wants a coup,
inevitably, the southern commander will say, I have never liked you
northerners, so we are not part of your coup. The eastern commander will say,
today is a holiday in our part of the country, and the western commander will
say, my men will only participate if we are leading!
Moral of the story is - India is
so diverse that for everyone to agree on one thing and have a revolt on the
basis of that is tough. It was last successfully done, to an extent at least,
during the independence movement, but at that time the oppressor was an
outsider, the British colonial rulers.
Even the anti-corruption movement
that started and brought thousands to the streets finally fizzled out and what
happened in its place is a massive election with record voter turnouts in many
places.
This is India's way - democracy.
When we get tired of our government, we vote them out ruthlessly and
increasingly voters are coming up with more and more clear and unambiguous
verdicts in the country.
I am not suggesting a mass revolt
cannot happen - it could if the oppression and corruption keeps growing. After
all, for years now there has been an armed revolt of sorts in the tribal
heartlands of Central India by Maoist guerrillas who aim to overthrow the
state, but even that has been calming down in the last one year or so.
While the state cannot take the
patience of the people for granted, till now there is every evidence to suggest
that Indians prefer a democratic path.
Q: One of the companies you
examine in the book is The Maids’ Company. What does its existence say about
the role of poor women in India, and about present-day class divisions?
A: There are two lessons in the existence
and success of The Maids' Company. First, more than ever before, rights and
freedoms are important to India and its young population. There is a massive
pressure from the young on traditional injustices in the country - from gender
discrimination to caste battles and religious obscurantism.
In the course of the last one
year, two influential Hindu “godmen” have been put behind bars for crimes
ranging from rape to murder, a host of Muslim clerics arrested after evidence
surfaced that they were fueling terror plots, and at least one Christian
preacher severely reprimanded for pushing discrimination between faiths.
There is more talk and protest
against gender discrimination in India than ever before. And in this, The
Maids' Company is a vital organisation that shows a solution - not mere
protest.
It shows how the problem can be
addressed through empowerment and economics. It is clear, not just in India but
around the world, that one of the best tools of empowerment for men and women,
but especially for women in societies traditionally patriarchal, is financial
freedom, economic empowerment.
The Maids' Company shows one of
the best ways to achieve this among some of the poorest women in India. So the
big lesson from the work of The Maids' Company is - India still has a huge
gender problem but it is being fought in myriad ways and in ever so new and
innovative ways.
Q: Can you say more about how
entrepreneurship among the Dalits in India has helped them fight the caste
system?
A: There are parallels here
between the feminist movement and the caste movement. For the longest time, the
political assumption in India was that such evils in our society could only be
fought with political action - like job reservation, etc.
While these tools remain powerful,
they are also often mired in corruption, and therefore the additional tool of
economics has become very relevant and very useful.
As the famous Dalit scholar
Chandra Bhan Prasad explains to me - nothing defeats caste bias, which is a
form of racism in India, more effectively than jobs, wealth creation, economic
prosperity.
Caste has always been a barrier
that reduces to people just to their birth grouping. But India has changed
rapidly in the last two decades, and with economic growth and rapid
urbanisation, a lot of the old markers of identity have fallen by the wayside.
As Prasad's famous line goes -
pizza delivery has no caste. This is an incredibly powerful line. It captures
centuries of oppression and then liberation from that oppression in one small
sentence.
One of the biggest and most evil
ideas of caste was that the upper caste would not accept food from the hands of
the lower caste - a distinction purely made by the accident of birth. You are
born into your caste.
But when the young ambitious lower
caste person moves from the trap of the village where it is impossible to
escape the identity of birth to the liberty of anonymity of the city and gets
his or her first job, perhaps as a pizza delivery person, and when they deliver
their first pizza, and a customer unthinkingly accepts the food from their hand,
without thinking even for a split second about their caste, that moment is
magic.
In that moment, Adam Smith's
greatest dreams come true. In that moment, perhaps even dreams that Smith did
not dream dare to come true. This is the magic of economics. This is the magic
of entrepreneurship and enterprise.
Q: What are you working on now?
A: I am now working on a book that
looks at the entrepreneurs of classical and medieval India and their lives and
achievements. There are some startlingly powerful and barely told stories
there.
Q: Anything else we should know?
A: That I am not, by any stretch
of the imagination, a blind capitalist. In fact, I come from a home which can
be described, in the Indian context, as lower middle class.
My father is an honest government
engineer who made very little money in his life. Neither of my parents received
their education in the English language, and at one point, my father was so
impoverished by the deaths of both his parents from cancer, he didn't even have
money for bus tickets.
So today that I am able to write
these answers to you in the English language is a matter of great pride for me.
Every job I have ever had in my
life came to me because India opened its economy. In the old so-called
socialist system every door was closed to those who did not have pedigree.
In fact, my parents are
particularly proud that I am today able to publish a book in the English
language in America and elsewhere in the world when even 15 or 20 years ago
people from my kind of impoverished background would never get a chance to
publish books.
I got this chance because I had
published several books in India but that happened because the economy opened
up. In the old system, which had only one or two good publishers in the English
language in India, these opportunities were only for people who were
well-connected, who went to the elite schools and colleges and came from
pedigreed, networked family backgrounds.
I am an example of how India has
changed and is still furiously changing - for the better. My argument,
therefore, is not that capitalism is the answer. My argument is merely that
enterprise and freedom of enterprise solves many problems - though the state
still has a vital, vital role to play in delivering justice and enforcing the
rule of law so that market greed does not destroy us.
--Interview with Deborah Kalb
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